What will a Syria free of Bashar al-Assad’s regime look like? [photo credit: Getty Images]
Ahmed Al-Dalati has recently emerged as a key figure involved in the Syrian rebel alliance’s military operations that led to the fall of Bashar Al-Assad’s regime.
Al-Dalati possesses in-depth knowledge of the battles between opposition factions and Assad’s forces and is well-informed about the future arrangements for the new Syria.
The New Arab conducted this interview with him via e-mail to gain insight into the military administration’s vision for Syria’s future. Below is a translated transcript.
TNA: What were the preparations preceding the liberation of Aleppo, Homs, and finally Damascus?
Ahmed Al-Dalati: The preparations involved long-term planning and the development of our military strength, which made a significant difference. While Assad’s army looted people’s properties, assaulted merchants, and pillaged civil institutions, we were manufacturing missiles and drones and building national institutions to serve the people. Achieving these results was a natural outcome of such efforts.
Was the short timeframe — about 11 days — anticipated for completing this achievement?
We expected success because of the justice of our cause, but we did not anticipate the battle for liberation would be so brief. We were surprised by the poor performance of Assad’s forces and the militias supporting him.
Was there any communication or negotiation attempt with Bashar Al-Assad before your movements?
Assad lacks logical decision-making abilities. He received numerous international and Arab messages urging him to implement necessary changes, including an invitation to Riyadh, but he remained a tool in Iran’s hands.
We did not send him any messages, knowing he was not the real decision-maker. Our message was delivered through our actual entry into Aleppo.
Is the diversity of opposition factions in Syria a strength or weakness for the future?
Unity of arms is crucial because it leads to unified decision-making. While we couldn’t achieve this during the early years of the revolution, we later attained an acceptable level of unity, which made a difference in our confrontations with Assad’s forces.
Now, we aim to abolish all military titles and integrate all factions into a new national army under the Syrian Ministry of Defence. This is essential to avoid obstacles in rebuilding Syria. While this process is already underway, it will take time for its effects to become evident.
What is your stance on the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)?
We clearly distinguish between friends and foes, and between those who seek to preserve Syria’s unity and those who aim to divide it.
The unity of the Syrian state is non-negotiable. During this battle, we did not launch any attacks on the SDF, hoping they would come to their senses and realise that remaining under Damascus’ authority is their best option.
How will you deal with the SDF if they remain as a standalone force?
From the second day after liberation, we began collecting weapons, opening reconciliation offices, and granting a general amnesty to guide people toward the right choices.
Our decision is clear: no faction outside the new Syrian state’s authority will be allowed to retain arms. Disarming people helps them avoid further mistakes. Those who resist disarmament or attempt to carve out parts of Syria for personal ambitions will face severe consequences.
What is your position on US-supported organisations like the Syrian Free Army?
US support for certain armed factions in Syria was useful at one time. However, with Assad’s regime gone, there is no longer any need for external support for armed factions.
If the US wishes to help, we welcome such assistance through proper channels. We have a caretaker government, and soon we will have a Ministry of Defence and a professional army. External support should focus on enhancing our military capabilities.
Will there be coordination or confrontation with these organisations if they aim to form a parallel entity?
The war is over, and the country has transitioned into a state. Anyone attempting to form a parallel entity to the state is making a grave mistake. We will assist in preventing such errors. Using force will be the last thing we think of, particularly in internal matters.
What will your response be if Iran seeks to regain influence in Syria?
Strength meets strength. Iran has tested us for years, and if they try again, they will receive an appropriate response. We hope Iran reconsiders its approach, stays within its borders, and seeks positive relationships in the region. Iran has already paid a heavy price for supporting the regime and should not repeat its mistakes.
Can Iran pose a new challenge amid current military and political developments?
We don’t expect it. Today’s Iran is not the Iran of the past, and its expansionist project is nearing its end.
What is your stance on Palestinian factions allied with Bashar’s government?
Those who revise their stance will find us supportive. However, those who persist in their negative position toward our people will face a different response.
Could Ahmed Al-Sharaa be a candidate for Syria’s presidency?
We have no objection; the people will choose their president. However, this is premature. Our current priorities are providing security and addressing the essential needs of our people.
Why hasn’t there been a response to repeated Israeli airstrikes on Syrian territory?
Our people are exhausted by Assad’s crimes, and we cannot afford new wars. We condemn Israel’s irresponsible actions, which exploit Syria’s exceptional circumstances.
We call on the international community to assume its responsibilities regarding Israel’s repeated attacks on our military and civilian facilities.
When will Syria witness elections and a political system?
In our current situation, the priority is ensuring security, restoring essential services, and normalising life. Creating an environment for a political system in which all Syrians can participate is our next goal.
Lamiaa Sharaf is an independent Egyptian journalist interested in Egyptian domestic affairs, Iran, and the countries of the Arab Spring revolutions.
