On 13 April, Syria’s interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa made a surprise visit to Abu Dhabi where he met UAE President Mohammed bin Zayid, a key Arab ally of the former regime of Bashar Al-Assad and supposed patron of a rebellious armed group in Daraa province, the Eighth Brigade, led by former rebel leader Ahmed Al-Awda.
Later that day, a spokesperson for the Eighth Brigade announced that the unit would be disbanded and its fighters integrated into the government security forces, widely viewed as another win for Sharaa, who has surprised most by his shrewd handling of a medley of independent armed groups that occupied Syria when Bashar Al-Assad fled Damascus in December.
For months, Sharaa’s government had been working on bringing the Eighth Brigade into the General Security apparatus, a file perceived as vital to securing the south after the recent explosive mix of Israeli incursions into Daraa and Suweida’s separatist ambitions.
While many saw the Sharaa-MbZ meeting as deciding Ahmed Al-Awda’s fate, the real catalyst for the disbandment of the Eighth Brigade was the assassination of a former rebel leader in Daraa a few days earlier by gunmen believed to be linked to his militia.
The killing of Bilal Daroubi sparked widespread anger in Busra Al-Sham, a bastion of the Eighth Brigade, the latest in a spate of assassinations in Daraa – a common way in the south of dispatching meddlesome adversaries – leading to protests from the population and suppression by Awda’s men.
What started as a local revolt against a parochial murder escalated into calls for the Eighth Brigade to be dissolved, forcing government security forces to move against the renegade militia in Daraa until three men suspected of the killing were surrendered to the state. Shortly after, a spokesperson announced that the Eighth Brigade would be dissolved and its fighters brought under the control of the Ministry of Defence.
Now that the headache posed by the Eighth Brigade has been neutered, there are hopes in Daraa that the province will finally enjoy peace after 14 years of violence.
“The reputation of the Eighth Brigade is generally negative, especially due to its involvement in handing over several opposition members to the Syrian regime at the time,” Mohammed Al-Askara, a media activist documenting human rights violations in southern Syria, told The New Arab.
“It often relied on military force rather than a cooperative approach, aiming to maintain the perception that it still held significant military power. There was also corruption among some of the leadership, and they were implicated in the killing of civilians.”
The brigade’s tumultuous history reflects the changing alliances and dynamics in Daraa, known as ‘the heart of the Syrian revolution’ due to the province being the first to rise up against Bashar Al-Assad’s rule in 2011 before becoming better known for lawless anarchy when the regime took control.
Bordering Jordan, the occupied Golan, and Damascus province, Daraa’s strategic position made it one of the most intensely fought-over regions in Syria until a 2018 regime offensive saw the opposition finally defeated.
Many of these rebel fighters headed north to exile in Idlib while others, including Awda’s Free Syrian Army unit, remained in Daraa, amalgamating into the regime’s security forces following a Moscow-brokered reconciliation deal, albeit with a degree of autonomy in day-to-day operations.
The newly-formed Eighth Brigade became part of the Russian-led Fifth Corps, viewed by many locals as better overlords than Maher Al-Assad’s Fourth Division, an Iran-linked wing of the Syrian regime military notorious for turning parts of Daraa into a den of captagon production and cold-blooded killings.
Outside parties viewed Awda as a useful counterweight to Iranian influence and Islamist groups on Syria’s southern border, bringing him some support from other Arab states, reportedly the UAE and Jordan, where he is said to spend his free time.
“People welcomed the news of its disbandment, as they viewed the brigade as aligned with the regime and Russia, however, it did have some positive aspects – notably, it prevented the expansion of Iranian influence in eastern rural Daraa and occasionally engaged in negotiations with regime officers to maintain regional stability and avoid escalation,” said Askara.
“There are still members loyal to Ahmad al-Awda in Busra al-Sham and parts of eastern rural Daraa – this cannot be denied. There are also still remnants of regime loyalists operating as sleeper cells, contributing to the instability.”
While the few thousand men in the Eighth Brigade never posed a serious threat to the new government, and Awda’s links with foreign powers have been overstated, the power vacuum in the south was an issue Sharaa eventually had to address, Abdullah Musa, Editorial Secretary at the Syria TV website in Damascus, told The New Arab.
“I don’t believe the relationship between Ahmad Al-Awda and the UAE remained a priority for either side after the fall of the Assad regime. Local developments quickly took precedence, and the pragmatic approach of the new leadership, as well as the broader Arab model of international relations, shifted the context significantly,” Musa told The New Arab.
“The file was left to quietly unravel, with officials waiting for the right moment to dissolve the group without creating a major stir. During this time, Damascus was also monitoring local sentiment in Daraa, particularly calls from residents who opposed Al-Awda’s continued presence. The eventual dismantling of the brigade was thus framed as a response to popular demand.”
While it may be premature to assume that the integration of the Eighth Brigade into government security forces will completely end the instability in Daraa, locals have noted some improvement in the security situation since the deal was struck.
They have also reportedly uncovered a dungeon used by Awda’s men to detain and torture opponents, underlining the popular hostility to the group and the Eighth Brigade’s tendency to apply the same tools of domination as the Assad regime.
The relatively bloodless surrender of one of the last armed groups outside state control could be viewed as another victory for Sharaa, who has displayed immense shrewdness and restraint when dealing with non-aligned Sunni factions compared to his predecessor at the presidential palace.
Domestically, Sharaa has shown himself to be a strong but patient leader, using dialogue and selective pressure when handling potential troublemakers from within the former opposition umbrella – a huge contrast to the ruthless, scattergun approach of the former regime.
“In December, President Al-Sharaa met with Ahmad Al-Awda. Shortly afterwards, authorities in Damascus asked Al-Awda to step away from the scene and hand over leadership of the Eighth Brigade to his deputies, such as Naseem Abu Ara,” said Musa.
“Damascus had long harboured concerns about the Eighth Brigade, given Al-Awda’s complex background in Daraa post-2018 and his multiple affiliations. As a result, the Ministry of Defence offered the brigade no meaningful compensation or integration within formal military structures.”
Such an approach by Sharaa likely assured outside parties, such as Jordan and the UAE, who were initially cautious about the interim president’s Islamist roots and the potential for Syria to become a haven for destabilising activities in the region.
As recent events in Daraa have shown, Sharaa is a pragmatist rather than an ideologue, prioritising the stability of Syria and maintaining power above all other factors that might have motivated him during the revolution.
“The dissolution of the Eighth Brigade serves to project an image of strength – both domestically and internationally,” said Musa.
“For the Sharaa administration, dismantling one of the few armed groups operating outside state control reinforces the perception that the government is capable of quelling any form of rebellion. It also acts as a deterrent to similar challenges on the local level, while sending a clear message abroad that the central authorities remain firmly in control.”
Paul McLoughlin is the Head of News at The New Arab
Follow him on Twitter: @PaullMcLoughlin
